Family is a difficult institution
to define. There are multiple kinds of family structures that exist. A more
generic definition is that a family is “Any group of people united by ties of
marriage, blood, or adoption, or any sexually expressive relationship, in which
(1) the adults cooperate financially for their mutual support, (2) the people
are committed to one another in an intimate interpersonal relationship, (3) the
members see their individual identities as importantly attached to the group,
and (4) the group has an identity of its own. (DeGenova, Stinnett, &
Stinnett, 2011, p. 5)” (DeFrancisco, Palczewski, & McGeough, 2013).
Regardless of what family structure one is raised in the family institution
plays a prominent role in creating, and maintaining gender/sex, sexual
orientation, class, etc. norms. To clarify, “’Families and gender are so
intertwined that it is impossible to understand one without reference to the
other. Families are not merely influenced by gender; rather, families are
organized by gender’ (Haddock, Zimmerman, & Lyness, 2003, p. 304) (DeFrancisco,
Palczewski, & McGeough, 2013).”
One way that families help create
and sustain gender norms in particular is through myths. The first myth that
Chapter Seven discusses is the myth that there is only one normal family. This
normal family is assumed to be a nuclear family. A nuclear family “presumes a
self-supporting, independent unit (excluding extended family) composed of two
heterosexual parents legally married performing separate masculine and feminine
family roles. For nuclear families, the male is the primary wage earner and the
female is the primary homemaker”(DeFrancisco, Palczewski, & McGeough,
2013). Despite the fact that this is
societally regarded as the most healthy form of family, there is no historical
evidence to support that theory. In fact, it was not until the Industrial
Revolution that strict notions of masculinity and femininity became
prominent. Further, the book writes
that, “The assumption that heterosexual romantic love should be the basis of
marriage and family is a prominent U.S. value, but it is not universally shared
and was never the basis of all marriages. Into the 1800s, marriage was based on
financial need, control of reproduction, political concerns, and family
arrangements, not love” (DeFrancisco, Palczewski, & McGeough, 2013).
In this way, the myth that the only
normal family is the nuclear family helps inculcate notions of
heteronormativity. Chapter Seven defines heteronormativity as a system that
“encompasses legal, cultural, organizational, and interpersonal practices that
reinforce unquestioned assumptions about gender/sex. These include the
presumptions that there are only two sexes; that it is ‘normal’ or ‘natural’
for people of different sexes to be attracted to one another; that these
attractions may be publicly displayed and celebrated; that social institutions
such as marriage and family are appropriately organized around different-sex
pairings; that same-sex couples are (if not ‘deviant’) a ‘variation on’ or an
‘alternative to’ the heterosexual couple” (DeFrancisco, Palczewski, &
McGeough, 2013). Heteronormativity can be reinforced in simple communicative
events that take place within families. For example, when parents stress marriage
as the ultimate goal of dating, or posit heterosexual relationships as the
ideal relationships, they are rhetorically contributing to a heteronormative
ideology.
The second myth related to family
institutions is that because of variations from [nuclear] family values, the
well-being of family and society is threatened. However, in contrast to this
myth, the book argues that the family institution is in transition.
Additionally, the authors of the chapter note that evidence used to support the
second myth are not neutral, or objective observations. Rather, this evidence
is rhetorically gerrymandered to support a particular conclusion to advance
heteronormativity.
Although Western communicative
research has often focused on heterosexual family and dating relationships,
there is a recent trend to discuss the ways that such rigid, heteronormative
family communication affects LGBTQ individuals. In the article titled, “Transitioning
Meanings? Family Members’ Communicative Struggles Surrounding Transgender
Identity”, author Kristen Noorwood presents her research about family
communication as it relates to transgendered children. In this article she uses
relational dialectics to analyze the different family responses to children
coming out as transgendered. As Kristen
Noorwood explains, “The problematic nature of transgender identity for families
may be a result of cultural conceptions of gender, sex, and family identity.
U.S. culture maintains deeply rooted ideas about sex and gender, legitimizing
only two sex categories and characterizing variants as abnormal” (Noorwood, pg.
76, 2012). For example, labeling terms, seemingly benign, reinforces strict sex/gender binaries.
Noorwood recognizes this phenomena when she writes that, “Many family
relationship labels are gendered, such as daughter, uncle, grandfather, or
niece. These relationship categories are strictly associated with one sex or
another making it difficult to imagine a man being called ‘aunt’ or a woman
being referred to as ‘father.’ These labels serve as indications that family
relationships are steeped in stable gender/sex identities” (Noorwood, pg. 76,
2012). This sentiment is contiguous with bell hooks’ observation that language
as a system of communication is problematic because of its origins.
Scholars additionally note that
when children come out as being transgendered there are varying family reactions.
Some families view their child coming out as “A disruption…[that] may
compromise traditional notions of family” (Noorwood, pg. 76, 2012). Drawing on
work from other scholars Noorwood suggests that, “once a person has disclosed a
‘deviant’ sexual or gender identity to family members, any continued family
relations after that point are considered voluntary” (Noorwood, pg. 76, 2012).
This phenomena is of particular interest to scholars because it, “…runs
contrary to our cultural conception of family as a system of nonvoluntary or
obligatory relationships” (Noorwood, pg. 76, 2012). Further research is needed
to better understand what takes place in families when sex/gender norms are
transgressed.
Based on the reading I would now
like to pose three questions:
1.
What is the point/benefit of studying family
communication as it relates to gender?
2.
What are other ways that the family institution
functions to maintain heteronormativity?
3.
In what ways do you think that the family as an
institution is in transition?
Indeed, the family institution offers profound insight when one explores familial communicative behavior, often pointing to the need for social change. Though several pressing issues arise in the reading, most importantly is the Nuclear Family Myth (DeFrancisco and Palaczwski, 2014). Though LGT individuals have garnered more social acceptance over recent years, the persistent idea of the nuclear family as the archetypal family structure is undoubtedly still one of their key oppressors (beside religion, socioeconomic status, and a plethora of other factors) as they cannot, by definition, fulfill the requirements of a biologically-sexed male and a biologically sexed-female parents and are likewise victims of insurmountable social pressure from within the family its self –though this is conjecture on my part. Defranciso and Palaczwski (2014) further posit that families operating within the nuclear paradigm socialize children into specific gender/sex assignments. Much in the way a boy wishing to do gymnastics or dance, or a young woman choosing to remain unwed in lieu of career goals, when a family member no longer identifies with that assignment it can be a source of friction, particularly for fathers. Thus, familial expectations, rather than ideologies, also reinforce heteronormative constructions of gender. As Norwood (2012) found, an internal tension exists between Self vs. Other, in both transgender individuals and their relational partners, when the individual reveals to the family that they are in fact transgender. To put another way, both transgenders and family members grapple with concerns for themselves, and concerns for the other individual(s). One individual in particular stated that she hated the stress on her mother, however, she could no longer live as a straight woman when she was in fact a straight man. Thus, rescinding socialized gender/sex identity is a struggle both within family members and between them, likely mitigating transparency of that identity. Still, things are starting to look up. I dated a girl once who had a transgender cousin. Though I never met this person, I was surprised at how candidly her parents spoke about their soon-to-be daughter, especially in front of someone they just met, going into details about hormone therapy, her new name, and her sexual orientation (she was still attracted to women, and was currently dating one during the transition). Though this specific phenomenon is only referenced in passing by DeFrancisco and Palaczwski (2014), they make the exemplary note that “the key for these families was…accepting diverse gender identities… employing more sensitive communication to respect the child’s identity (e.g., proper pronoun usage), and providing a sense of stability for the child“(p. 162). As neither were communication scholars, yet both expressed unconditional love and support for their child, this personal experience leads me to believe privilages of non-heteronormative, non-nuclear family structures is on the up-swing.
ReplyDelete1) The point and benefit of studying family communication as it relates to gender is because in some way we all belong to a 'family' whether that family is by blood or biological, distant relatives, friends, roommates, etc. Whatever are your closest relationship bonds can be considered in a sense, one's 'family'. Studying how that communication relates to gender is important because of how our gender is influenced by our conversation and communication.
ReplyDelete2) Other ways that the family institution functions to maintain heteronormativity is with labels and roles within the family, simply by the nuclear family functioning to have names for members of the family: mother, father, sister, brother, etc. These names and labels reflect one's sex and gender and a 'perfect' or 'normal' household typically holds members that claim a particular label.
3) I think it can be seen that the family structure is in transition, especially within a school setting. I think it is relatively new that teachers and leaders within educational organizations refer to children's parents as 'guardians', avoiding naming a guardian as a mother, or father, grandparent, uncle, or the sex of the parent or guardian. It no longer is so easily assumed that a child's homelife consist of a mother and father; in fact sometime's assuming that avoided simply to not offend a child who may have a deceased parent or parent who is not in their lives, or single parent, or 2 mothers, 2 fathers, etc. Because it is not so easily assumed that a child has a mother and a father directly in their life supporting them reflects the transition.